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It was like they weren't dealing with human beings at all. Another man said, "They punished me only because of my pedsonals orientation and they condemned me as a adult personals borg el arab for my entire life. I don't understand why they must hunt us down. Aren't I? Tell me that I am. No, I know I am.
They break the bonds of trust that culture and religion protect. Not cultural inheritance but an ineptly written law underlies the crackdown. Egyptian officials have deceptively claimed that the country codifies "no distinction or discrimination based on a person's sexual orientation. The law is now clearly understood to criminalize consensual, non-commercial homosexual conduct, under the name of "debauchery" fujur - in provisions which work comparably to so-called "sodomy laws" in other jurisdictions.
A growing roster of states rejects such laws as intolerable assaults on privacy and equality, and as breaches of international human rights protections. A law without distinct limitations lent opportunity to a criminal justice system under diminished restraint. Both activists and commentators in Egypt have called alarmed attention to the failure of oversight of police and prosecutors in the last decade, as well as the deterioration of judicial expertise and independence.
Criminal justice now serves less to uphold the rule of law than to enforce brutal social control. The spread and routinization of torture-the degree to which police abuse has become not the exception but the rule-reveals a crisis in Egyptian justice. The physical and psychological cruelty meted out to men who have sex with men is only one aspect of this crisis. Yet it foregrounds the factors which both allow abuse to spread and adult personals borg el arab particular vulnerabilities to it.
Vicious campaigns of boeg in the state-owned media foster ideas of homosexuality as a national danger: no paper protections against official abuse deter authorities wdult using any available means against the menace. Police brutalize victims and fake reports. Prosecutors press charges based on a defendant's looks or le, the style of his hair or the color of pereonals underwear. Judges rule by rote, regardless of whether evidence is fraudulent-or even whether it adds up to the elements of a crime according to the letter of the law.
The arbitrary is the usual: torture becomes normal. The attacks on individuals are also an assault on the abstract principles that cement society. The victims' shattered dignity reflects the degradation of justice. This report is based on research conducted by Human Rights Watch during a mission to Egypt over three months in the earlyas well as on documentation and legal research and analysis carried out by human rights activists in Egypt. Human Rights Watch interviewed sixty-three men who had been arrested on suspicion of homosexual conduct, in Cairo and in other cities in lower Egypt.
One fact registers the reach of stigma and fear: all those arrested asked us not to reveal their identities. We also interviewed families, friends, and partners of arrested men; attorneys and judges who have worked on "debauchery" cases; government officials; and human rights activists. Human Rights Watch also examined official files in the cases of men arrested on "debauchery" charges since Many voices thus make themselves heard in this report, those of the powerful arzb well as the profoundly powerless.
perspnals In such a polyphony, terminology itself becomes a matter of debate, and a question of power. Two words are particularly crucial, and contested, here.
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Hossein-a young man from a desperately poor background, illiterate though gifted and creative-told Human Rights Watch how he came to be on the Queen Adjlt a friend "told me that there is this disco which is a 'gay disco. He told me what it meant, and because I thought I was 'gay,' I went. The persoonals "gay," describing men who have sex with men, emerged out of a North American subculture in the twentieth century. Its more scientific-sounding synonym, "homosexual," is not much adult personals borg el arab by a central European doctor in The relative youth of the words should raise caution in ascribing antiquity, or ubiquity, to what they purport to describe.
The identity of the "homosexual" is a recent, regional development. The concept of "sexual orientation"-constructing a perrsonals and public identity around the sex of the person one desires-is only one way of understanding the fact perslnals homosexual conduct, and attaching meaning to it. The political ethics as well as the propriety of employing terms such as "gay " has recently become contentious.
One writer sympathetic aab protecting homosexual conduct per se accuses international human rights groups, and Western lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender organizations, of imposing identity on Arab experience, in an endeavor to "transform" intellectually and sexually colonized men "from practitioners of same-sex contact into subjects who identify as homosexual and gay. Yet even such an argument acknowledges that the conduct called "homosexual"-the desire for, and erotic acts or emotional relationships between, people of the personala sex-is wholly indigenous in Egypt, not imported.
Egyptian society, like all others, has perpetually attached interpretations to those acts and desires. Yet these roles are not absolute or rigid.
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To assume that they always reproduce "inequality" borgg individual inflection or equivocation. People negotiate: taking one role in one act or situation may give way to another elsewhere. The symbolic system of sex never works in isolation from the rest of experience. Not all men who have sex with men-in Egypt or elsewhere--regard themselves as "gay," or "homosexual. Men may see the sexual role they play-as penetrator or penetrated partner, "top" or "bottom"-as the constituent element in their identity, not the sex of the person they desire.
Men may, however, also persoonals themselves in multiple roles, which may offer multiple self-definitions not reducible to the straightjacket of a single adjective. Another word reverberates through this report. Khawal plural khawalat was a term for male transvestite dancers in the nineteenth century. They performed at persnoals public celebrations, as a respectable substitute for dancing women.
As its meaning has become derogatory, though, its scope has also shifted. In some cases it is used abusively for men seen as the "passive" partner in intercourse-clearly adult personals borg el arab older usage. Much as many of those men employ a version of "gay" to describe a common identity regardless of role, khawal increasinglyinscribes a suddenly common stigma. Social understandings of sexuality are not fixed. Constantly mutable, they move in the context of larger forces of cultural change adukt interchange.
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Those borrowings and revisions negate the notion that any interpretation can be pinned to permanence, accused of alienness, presonals applauded as "authentic. The term was foreign; but in adopting it he adapted it, and adulh it his own meaning. The language of rights-protecting basic freedoms of expression and thought-includes rather than precludes the right to define oneself.
Human Rights Watch has tried to use the terms people themselves used in self-description. Where we call men "gay," it is generally because they called themselves that. Where we call men "bottoms" or "tops" "passive" or "active" partners in sex: in local slang, kodyana or barghal it is because they adult personals borg el arab the attribution. Our aspiration is to respect the voices and vocabularies of those who speak in and through this text.
The question "why" remains. Arrests did not begin in As this report shows, the law used against homosexual conduct dates from five decades earlier.
Harassment of men who had sex with men had been happening for a long time before the Queen Boat case-on a smaller scale, and often not ending in prosecution. In Cairo, police had routinely carried out campaigns against various populations whose public presence detracted from the capital's preferred image. Street hawkers, street children, and sex workers recurred as victims. This mounting harassment apparently drew energy from the violent animus of the Squad's head in Cairo, Taha Embaby.
At the same time, and on a broader level, Egypt's government has increasingly manipulated moral panics-sensationalized scandals in which groups are singled out for stigma, and made focal points of popular fears and resentments. These panics served multiple purposes. On the one hand, they diverted the media from the mounting crises of a political system mired in inaction and mass immiseration, unable to address growing poverty or popular discontent.
On the other hand, they served up sinister enemies-often literally demonized, smeared as offenders against religion-to be blamed when that discontent demanded scapegoats. And a government that routinely repressed religious fundamentalism could improbably recast itself as defending orthodoxy from the blandishments of organized deviance. The Queen Boat arrests sparked another panic, on a scale to stun and fascinate citizens for months.
The state exploited sexuality as sideshow: but the prurient spectacle strengthened its Puritan credentials. As an Egyptian writer contends, the government skillfully used the sensation not just " to divert public attention from economic recession and the government's liquidity crisis," but "to present an image as the guardian of public virtue, to deflate an Islamist opposition adult personals borg el arab that appear[ed] to be gaining support every day. Politics thus bolstered police practice.
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The moral panic and the quieter clean-up campaigns met. The Queen Boat scandal let the state assert its power over a figurative form of customs control: the authority, unchecked by irritant claims of privacy or freedoms, to patrol cultural borders and to excise what it found unacceptable even in the recesses and reticences of intimate life. It also reinforced local policemen's perception that homosexual conduct was a lurid and immediate enemy - and gave officers across the country every incentive to step up raids and intensify harassment.
The have multiplied the arbitrary arrest and torture of men who have sex with men. Despite the publicity the Queen Boat case garnered, many of the most serious abuses have gone unreported until now. Even the cases Human Rights Watch has uncovered undoubtedly represent only a fraction of the whole. It is time for the detentions and prosecutions, the torture and betrayals, to stop. Harassment of men suspected of homosexual conduct did not begin with the Queen Boat case.
Khaled, twenty-five, told Human Rights Watch a story of how the apparatus of police repression worked. Khaled says. Police, according to Khaled, were picking up men as they entered the bar in the Nile Hilton Hotel, a popular gay gathering place, as well as what were believed to be gay cruising areas in Tahrir Square. Khaled was returned to the room where police were recording the arrestees' names.
I was surprised. It was Friday morning: the prisoners were taken to the al-Azbekiya niyaba. Without interrogating the prisoners, prosecutors charged them with "habitual practice of debauchery," and ordered their release pending trial. Then they were returned to the al-Azbekiya lockup. There, according to Khaled, "We were all beaten without exception. I still have a scar over my left eye":. Khaled's story-that of a student who suddenly adult personals borg el arab himself caught up in a police roundup-points to many of the themes this report will explore.
It reveals that the Queen Boat case drew on existing police practice-on a mounting impetus toward punishing stigmatized sexual behavior. Indeed, the legal framework for persecution had been put in place almost fifty years before. The first issue to be examined here is: what law brought Khaled before the Vice Squad? How does Egypt criminalize sex between men? SinceEgypt has steadily claimed it has no such laws. Responding to a U. These statements are false.
Egyptian legislation has effectively criminalized male homosexual conduct for over fifty years. The prohibition appears in article 9 c of Egypt's "Law on the Combating of Prostitution" Law 10 offirst passed ten years before. As Appendix B documents, the language of the law sprang from a sense of moral urgency as colonial domination drew to a close. In a rush to prohibit prostitution-seen as representing not just sin but political subjugation-Egypt's parliament enacted a much more sweeping prohibition.
Fujuran instrument of moral condemnation rather than legal exactitude, took on a life of its own as courts and the criminal justice system determined what was immoral for males, and concentrated on homosexual conduct. The Vice Squad had broken into a private home, and found one man in the act of sexually penetrating another. The passive partner was charged with fujur. He testified that he had had sex with men repeatedly, but for no financial return.
The Cassation Court found he was still culpable, meaning that fujur was legally uncoupled from sex work, but connected to male homosexual conduct. This ruling is cited again and again in contemporary Egyptian court verdicts, to justify convicting men for having non-commercial sexual relations with other men.
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Fujur or debauchery thus was divorced from prostitution per se, and came to mean non-commercial male homosexual conduct. Repeatedly, courts held that non-commercial sex between a woman and a man was not punishable even if practiced "habitually. The legal fate of the other partner in the sexual act also differed drastically. Only women are liable before the law; the men who buy sex are innocent.
Men caught in flagrante with women found to be prostitutes normally go home after filing testimony against their sexual partners. Fujur cases seem originally to have followed a similar pattern-in which the "passive" participant was seen as exclusively "debauched," the "active" as a comparatively innocent "pleasure-seeker. Such a practice reflects, of course, not just the influence of prostitution cases but a construction of sexuality in which role trumps object. What matters is less the sex of one's object-choice than whether one penetrates and retains the attendant prestige of masculinity or is penetrated and loses symbolic and social authority.
Yet now, in case after case, men are now convicted of "debauchery" for relations with other men regardless of their sexual roles. Both partners in male homosexual sex are now criminals. The roots of this shift are debatable. Tectonic plates are clearly moving in the social understanding of sexuality: a common if still tentative identity between "active" and "passive" partners has emerged in Egypt, sharing a common stigma.
Western models of "homosexuality," in which emphasis on role gives way to the overriding ificance of object-choice, have played a part. Yet the change cannot simply be reduced to their influence. The legal development also stems logically from eliminating the financial requirement for "debauchery" prosecutions. Exchanging money marks out different social roles-purchaser and seller-as well as sexual ones.
With that element gone, the tendency increases for the two partners to collapse indistinguishably into one imputation of guilt. Simply put: fujur in Egyptian law now means homosexual relations between men, whether commercial or not. The law requires that the act be "habitual"-legally taken to mean that it must have been committed more than once in three years, with more than one person.
It is tempting to say the history of this provision illustrates a law not on Egypt's books: that of unintended consequences. Anxieties over sex work created penalties that would find their full, harsh utility during a second moral panic, in a new millennium. Khaled's story also shows the growing police attention to a phenomenon of lates Cairo: the fact that a substantial subculture of men having sex with men gathered, called themselves "gay," and grew.
Manyself-identified gay men in Egypt recall the years before as an interval of connectedness and comparative liberation. In fact, most who ed in what some now describe as Cairo's fin-de-siecle "scene" did so secretively. Few if any disclosed their sexuality to their heterosexual friends, much less their families. Opportunities for being "out"-for affirming one's desires to others who shared them-were confined to private parties, friendly cafes, or a few clubs the Queen Boat discotheque and the Nile Hilton bar among them on selected nights of the week.
Cairo had long had its cruising areas: places where men interested in sex with men could covertly encounter one another. The pubs and parties emerging in the s, although quiet, allowed still more space and apparent safety for friendship and conversation. In the process, some people began to coalesce around a shared identity, often using the term "gay.
They came from diverse Cairene classes: the list of those seized at the Queen Boat raid in May includes doctors and teachers, but also truck-drivers and electrical repairmen. Indeed, Human Rights Watch's own research indicates that the idea of a "gay" identity is widely disseminated, even among working-class men in towns outside Cairo. Men were drawn to these gatherings not only by the need for love or sex, but by the hope of making friends, an individual aspiration which contributed to the collective construction of an incipient community.
Ismail, in his early twenties when arrested inwas the subject of this police report. He told us how he was arrested near the Hilton bar one Thursday night:. The passage is from an arrest report in a case. Nabil, the man described, twenty-eight years old when he spoke to us intells his own story:. The late s saw intensifying attention by the Cairo Vice Squad, in particular, to the sites and circumstances in which gay men met other men.
Police apparently felt growing pressure to "clean up" the places where "perversion" transpired. Khaled even remembers that, while jailed, "I heard guards saying that the head of the Vice Squad [Taha Adult personals borg el arab had promised to the minister of the interior that within a year he would have gotten rid of all the gays in downtown Cairo.
The provisions the Vice Squad used derived from a law against sex work; likewise, the Vice Squad's developing approach to "debauchery" drew upon prostitution cases. The standard templates for fujur arrest reports describe a man "walking in a way that draws attention [and] seduces instincts," or moving "his tongue in a seductive way. Vice Squad officers spun mythologies about how to identify khawalat. Colored underwear, long hair, or tattoos were all telltale s.
Police "assumed because his hairstyle was strange that he was gay," one victim told us about a fellow arrestee. Yet men who had sex with men rarely rendered themselves as conspicuous as the police claimed. To unearth them, the Vice Squad instead relied on networks of informers. Kamal, an illiterate shoeshiner arrested in the Queen Boat case, described how police sent informers into cruising areas: "They just round up some 'girls', the kind who would be in Ramsis.
And then these bottoms are thrown down from the van … and they go out and they say: that one's a khawal. They would go and talk to someone, and the officer would go over and pick up the person. Police also began raiding bars and clubs, using informers to pick out gay men inside. The Queen Boat was raided several times before the mass arrests in May One man told Human Rights Watch of an incursion in early Also common in fujur cases was the torture Khaled described.
Sometimes it was used to extract confessions. Nabil told us that after his arrest, he was beaten to the arrest report: "I asked what was there, and then punches and slaps came from everywhere. I had to eventually. They grabbed my hair and shook my head till I was dizzy. Sometimes, however, brutality seemed purely punitive.
Magdi, twenty-two when Human Rights Watch spoke to him intold a harrowing story of his arrest inwhen he was seventeen. He remembers, "I had long hair and they suspected I was gay. The Cairo Vice Squad has been the driving force in the campaign against homosexual conduct. Kamal, the shoeshiner, told us what had happened in his hometown of Mansoura:. When we asked whether the men did this voluntarily, Kamal seemed puzzled by the question. He said, "We danced because we wanted them to let us go.
Yet in those years, homosexual conduct was still treated as a sporadic, individual offense-not a collective social threat. While mass arrests furnished police with evidence of a growing community, they still charged the arrested men, as in Khaled's case, individually. Sentences remained light, tending toward the minimum penalty; often cases were not sent to prosecutors-and a few days' imprisonment served as punishment in itself. The crackdown that has burgeoned since was enabled by the sudden, media-spread perception that men having sex with men were a menacing, manifold group, endangering the nation, demanding drastic measures.
That belief was fostered by the furor around the Queen Boat case. Newspapers told the public a major case was in the offing. They trumpeted the arrest of over fifty adherents of a "devil-worshippers' organization," who practiced "perverted activities" and took "pornographic photographs. Over six months, the men's names made headlines while their faces stared from newsstands. Homosexual conduct drew unprecedented, censorious, and salacious attention. Fifty-two men were tried before an Emergency State Security Court, one boy before a juvenile court.
All were charged with the "habitual practice of debauchery," and nearly half convicted. Most of the men had been tortured in detention. The lives of all were ripped apart. Human Rights Watch has examined State Security and prosecution files in the case, and interviewed twenty-one defendants, as well as many friends, family members, attorneys, and one judge in the case.
Despite charges that the "cult" was caught at the Queen Boat, only thirty of the fifty-three who ultimately went to trial were arrested there. Most of the rest were picked up on the street, through informers, in the days before May The lead defendant, Sherif Farhat, was a businessman related by blood and marriage to eminent Egyptians. State Security officers arrested him weeks before the others. A few of his co-workers and acquaintances were also taken in; the rest of the men were strangers to him, trawled in and framed to create the illusion of a homosexual "organization.
Many of Farhat's family believe he was the victim of a political vendetta aimed at his relatives. One defendant jailed with him says Farhat, in prison, called the trial "a revenge match between two big families in the country. The trial's effects, though, spread beyond Farhat's wrecked reputation, or his inadvertent co-defendants' devastated lives.
Homosexuality abruptly became visible in Egyptian society and politics, as a vociferously condemned corruption. The case was far from marking the first or last official move against homosexual behavior. Arrests had long preceded it, and have proceeded since. Yet it loudly admonished public and police that homosexual conduct undermined religion and national security alike. And it advertised to individual officers that crackdowns could further their careers.
Sherif Farhat, thirty-two, was a wealthy engineer and executive from a politically connected family. Relatives told Human Rights Watch he was an amateur photographer with work shown in several exhibitions, and a devout Muslim who had performed the pilgrimageto Mecca. Family members told Human Rights Watch that officers had raided his apartment before his arrest, "and took all the files, all the pictures and books, everything.
Farhat is in prison; human rights organizations have not been able to speak to him. These suggest that State Security had observed Farhat for weeks. One prosecutor reports Farhat as saying security officers questioned him first on April He was let go: but first, in an unexplained non-sequitur, he recounted a dream he had had fifteen years before, in which he saw the Prophet Mohammed visited by a blond boy.
The Prophet explained the boy was a Kurd, who, after a future Turkish attack, "will escape in the mountains. Whatever the motive for their initial concern, the files indicate State Security officers quickly decided Farhat was homosexual. Homosexual conduct became the infraction State Security would use to construct a case. However, fujur, a morals offence, would not justify a State Security prosecution. To preserve their own jurisdiction, investigators identified his desire as the dogma of a blasphemous cult, making him liable for "contempt of heavenly religions" under article 98 f of the Criminal Code: a security offence.
Next officers set about assembling-victims say, inventing-evidence of the cult. None of the material that State Security officers claimed to find in searching Sherif Farhat's home was ever produced in court. The only records of its existence are the lists compiled by State Security agents and lersonals. Allegedly, officers discovered copies of a twenty-nine- booklet called "Agency of God on Earth: Our religion is the religion of Lot's people, our prophet and guide is Abu Nawas," which tied homosexuality to religious ideas.
State Security interrogation records show Sherif Farhat perwonals that he "set up the Agency of Allah, God of Soldiers," and that one of his work colleagues, Mahmoud Ahmed Dokla, had personwls a prayer room at his own home for the Agency. I could not see the people who were asking me questions and hitting me. In adult personals borg el arab, Farhat allegedly "appears while having sexual perversion; in others he appears alone.
State Security now called on the Cairo Vice Squad for help.
In early May, Vice Squad officers located and picked up one man who appeared in the photographs. Bashar agreed to inform. He spent almost a week in jail before he aeult called on to do so. On Wednesday, May 9, the Vice Squad began picking suspected gay men off the street and bringing them to Abdin. Bashar says, "An officer said, 'We just need some salt so the dish will turn out nice.
Adult personals borg el arab told Human Rights Watch about an informer's itineraries. And you were caught in it. Hassan, an electronics repairman, was also in his mid-twenties. He told us, "A guy Perrsonals knew, who was gay, personls fingered me. And he is in the case also. His name is Bashar. They beat me.
They treated us like dirt. Bashar remembers, "Taha Embaby was interested in. He said, 'I want people from seventeen to twenty. In one picture, Bashar says, "There was somebody Adult personals borg el arab knew called Tamer. Meanwhile, during the days immediately before May 10, some of the same informers were used to arrest people who were taken to a different downtown police station, at Qasr al-Nil.
Kamal is illiterate and unsure of his age, but appears to be in his late twenties; he worked as a shoeshiner near Ramsis Station. He told us. Six or seven suspected homosexuals were detained at Qasr al-Nil on that Tuesday and Wednesday. One of them was brought to the Abdin station to check his prior record. There, he met Bashar, who knew him.
Bashar saw his interrogation:. Human Rights Watch spoke to Wahid. Also illiterate, twenty-two years old, he lived in a village near Cairo and worked as a driver. He cried while telling his story. On the day before the Queen Boat raid, State Security officers were also arresting others linked to Farhat. One, Bassam, who worked in a gymnasium in Giza, had given Farhat a massage less than two weeks before.
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And he left. The four worked at the studio where Farhat had his photographs developed; State Security had decided they were involved in the case. The man with the motorcycle apparently figured in at least one photograph. Twenty-four when arrested, Yusuf was a car mechanic from a working-class family. He told Human Rights Watch. Bassam says, "They took this group of people and we went to the Abdin police station.
I had my massage oil and cream and I stood there in the station waiting. There were people nude and that kind of thing. By Thursday night, May 10, the police had almost twenty people detained at Abdin and Qasr al-Nil police stations. Two of the prisoners who knew Sherif Farhat remember that he was brought in to face them. Bashar told Human Rights Watch, "He was completely beaten up, his cheeks swollen.
He was blindfolded, his hands cuffed behind him. Meanwhile, police planned to multiply those charged with cult membership, through a raid on the Queen Boat itself. People who were on the boat that night remember minutely the circumstances that led them to the wrong place at the wrong time. Ziyad was twenty-two. He came from a provincial city, had finished college, and was in Cairo looking for work, staying with a friend from the Gulf. He says. Hossein was twenty-three and worked as a deliveryman.
Shy and exceptionally polite, he told Human Rights Watch that. Hossein's friend Saad, a university student, told Human Rights Watch, "Two guys from Abdin police station, maybe more, were sitting in plainclothes in the disco, like regular patrons. So they took me outside. They said, 'Just half an hour and you'll be on your way home. Foreigners were usually freed. Amr, a language teacher, was at the discotheque with his English employer.
He remembers. Faisal, a married man on board the disco, says, "The buses were so full that some of us were put into private cars of people who were on the Queen Boat, who drove them to Abdin police station. There were at least two private cars. The police officers knew the owners, and thanked them, and sent them home. They must have been informers. They said they worked with the police and it was not the first time they had helped frame cases.
Around forty prisoners arrived at Abdin police station after 2 a. They were forced to kneel. One man remembers, "The officer called Taha who was in charge really enjoyed seeing us beaten and afraid. Almost in tears, Ziyad adult personals borg el arab, "You know, it is very difficult to be gay in Egypt. What they said to us were things that can't be repeated.
Several prisoners were released from the Abdin police station, including at least nine Gulf Arabs, and Egyptians with influential protectors. Meanwhile, prisoners already picked up in street arrests were still jailed elsewhere in the Abdin station. Some of the informers, including Mustafa "Laila Elwi," had been freed. Others, including Bashar, remained in the case. Earlier in the day or night, five or six prisoners from the Qasr al-Nil police station had ed them.
Kamal, from the Qasr al-Nil group, says, "They took us up to the fifth floor in Abdin. They said, each of you take off your clothes. They made us strip, they checked what was under our clothes. They were beating us to tell if we were khawalat. If we denied it, we were beaten. Adult personals borg el arab hit us hard. Near dawn on May 11, all the men were herded into police wagons again. For the first time, the Queen Boat victims and those arrested on the street met each other. Wahid, picked up in Shobra, says, "We found about thirty people in the wagon.
No one understood where the others came from, or where we were going. Wahba says, "They slapped me in the face. And they also hit me across the back with a shisha hose. There were five or six officers doing this. The recording, if it exists anywhere, would show that I was being hit. They hit me with their hands and fists. The prisoners stayed at al-Azbekiya till the next day.
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He said, 'I am not going to fool you, your case is really big, I want you to be strong and be adult personals borg el arab for what is going to happen to you. Ziyad says. Wahid says, "We were taken on a long road. That road lasted years for me. It led to the State Security prosecution office in Pereonals.
In a dark cell in the prosecution office, or niyabadifferent groups of prisoners began to exchange experiences. Wahid says, "There was a huge crowd of journalists inside the building and they took our photos. We didn't understand. We didn't know they were there to ruin and wreck what was left of our lives. The adult personals borg el arab were dazed, hungry, sleepless. Believing Vice Squad raids for fujur had swept them up,expecting questions about their sexual conduct, they were astonished when a different topic drove the interrogation.
The transcript of Wahid's questioning is typical. It begins:. Prosecutors' first questions focused on the mysterious cult of Sherif Farhat-whom almost none of the defendants knew. Yet this misled some prisoners into confessing to homosexual conduct. Wahid says. Murad says, "I was so scared that in the end I said, 'I don't know anything about contempt adulh religion, I am just gay.
I didn't know being gay could be so serious also. Many prisoners were sentenced solely on the agab of these confessions. Some prosecutors, however, did berate the prisoners for being gay. Faisal remembers angrily that "Taha Embaby and the prosecutor were the same. They both insulted and humiliated us in any way you could imagine.
I particularly remember, and it makes me angry, the prosecutor asking me if I waxed my chest and arms. I refused to take this way of talking to me, and the result was adult personals borg el arab insults and humiliation. Some prisoners tried to tell prosecutors about their mistreatment by police. Hossein says, "I told him about the beatings. I don't know if he wrote it down. To get started, look down theand our site will point you to the area on the net that is the best for you and your particular needs.
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